Nine months ago the sad end of Diego Maradona it became a cruel but imperfect metaphor for the drama that drags the country. The long rampage of the idol may represent the gradual but unstoppable impoverishment of Argentina governed by Kirchnerism.
Like the 10th, the country that votes and votes again for Cristina Kirchner and for the candidates he proposes he was imprisoned by his own follies. The metaphor is useful if it is accepted that, lost by his addiction (an illness, not a behavior), Maradona changed companies as the groups that surrounded him at different times in his life grew tired or tried to put obstacles in his way. uncontrolled.
From so much renewing so-called friends and collaborators, in recent years Diego began to depend on them until he lost control of himself. Others began to decide for him, to the extent that several court cases try to establish whether those others began to do business on his behalf to benefit them.
Suspicions of shady handling and even gangsters inhabit the reconstruction of the former player’s last years, sometimes portrayed as a fun and transgressive way of being Argentine. It was a tragedy with a predictable ending, which accomplices and upstarts presented as a comedy.
The country that after the frustrated macro interval It was once again ruled by Kirchnerism, it also seems trapped in its own folly. And it runs the risk of being imprisoned in the interest of making poverty a political capital rather than a painful problem to be solved.
Extremely ironic to the point of exaggeration, Argentine politics stopped wondering what to do with poverty to inquire about what the poor will be able to do with the country. The next measurements will indicate that almost half of the Argentines were in that situation.
The student rebuked by a teacher spoke after questioning Kirchnerism
It is that majority that seeks to be expressed through supposed representatives who for years have asserted themselves as intermediaries between the state that gives and the desperate one that needs it. On the way, millionaire figures remain that serve in an increasingly visible way to build power and even autonomy with respect to the Kirchnerist leadership.
To the evolution of poverty we must add a more disturbing fact that projects the future: almost two thirds of children and adolescents are children of deprived families in the large urban centers that surround the Federal Capital, Córdoba and Rosario.
Far away, Peronism was born as the representation of the shirtless, but in truth its base, on which Juan Perón organized his movement, were unionized industrial workers. The myth of Eva Peron Standard bearer of the humble was built with complementary aid to people who generally had a formal job.
It is about the idea of a mobility already established as a heritage of Argentina built by the Generation of 80 that Peronism built its survival. The national project that children could be better than parents came from before and Perón pretended to have invented it.
It has been many years since that original representation of justicialism has been in crisis, but never as now is it evident that the majority nucleus of Kirchnerism that inherited Peronism are no longer organized workers, but those who lack employment, live in the hostile informality of a precarious occupation and they expect the state to pay them a minimum wage every month.
There were no social plans in the first Peronism and there were no later, until the turn of the century and the collapse of convertibility unleashed the need for permanent aid.
This help was installed by Kirchnerism, but there was no relevant political sector that denied its need. No one believed then that the circumstantial would become permanent. Worse, nobody even thought that the failure of the successive administrations would detonate a country in which poverty is the majority.
Kirchnerism always fixed its hard core of voters on that growing legion of jobless workers who depend on the State even against their will and who make up their income with a part of the public contribution and another of trades and insufficient jobs.
Cristina Kirchner left a third of Argentines in that situation after squandering the income from the best years of agricultural commodities. He never dared to think and make a country out of its binary logic of poor good and rich bad.
After Macri’s inflation and Alberto Fernández’s economic “non-policy”, the remedy for the social situation is to multiply until more than 80% of the population is covered with social aid.
Stealthy management in the Casa Rosada by INTA and an attempt to reach Massa
The pandemic seems more an excuse than an argument to explain the boundless rampage that, however, does not stop the tensions that began to erupt in the ruling party itself for the political control of the poor.
In a country overloaded with intermediaries that make productive capacity more expensive and distort, what is actually being discussed is the administration of aid to the poor.
Control of those funds is, in desperation to depend on aid, control by the submission of millions of people. Cristina Kirchner was born several organizations that until recently she believed she controlled, but that now challenge her leadership by dint of protest marches led by people under the threat of losing what little they receive or, worse, in exchange for receiving a share. of what would really touch them.
It is a country that demands through self-imposed representatives who, at the same time, are opposition and officialism. Cristina believed she was their representative, but the street that makes them visible is divided into various picket organizations that Néstor Kirchner domesticated almost two decades ago, giving them political shelter and subsistence funds.
The dimension of these demands is so great that, in an act of open-minded hypocrisy, it is Kirchnerism itself that once again claimed genuine work as a way out of the trap that it built itself. Like Maradona.